"All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that good men do nothing."
Edmund Burke (1729 – 1797)
7/7 London Bombings
What if four young British Muslim men had been tried and convicted by the State and media of crimes for which no legitimate evidence had ever been presented to the public?
What if police investigations into terrorism in Britain routinely involved the manufacture of evidence to convict wholly innocent people and the suppression of evidence that proved their innocence? Remember the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four, Maguire 7, Judith Ward and Danny McNamee, to name but a few?
What if the only piece of ‘evidence’ ever presented to the British public, which purports to show the four perpetrators together outside Luton station, is inadmissible as evidence because three of the men’s faces are completely unidentifiable?
What if there was no CCTV footage in the public domain showing three of the alleged perpetrators actually in London on 7/7?
What if the train operating companies, police and even the Prime Minister reported the underground blasts as occurring on completely different train lines and at completely different locations to the story published in the official Home Office report?
What if the official Home Office 7/7 report was confusing on every crucial detail from the movements of the accused, right through to the blast locations on the affected trains?
What if the Home Secretary admitted the Home Office 7/7 report placed the accused on a train from Luton to London that was cancelled and did not run on 7th July 2005?
What if the Home Office error arose from “conflicting witness statements”?
What if a series of Freedom of Information requests lodged by J7 had twice forced the government to amend their ‘narrative’ and what if those amendments resulted in an even less coherent story than the one that placed the alleged perpetrators on a cancelled train?
What if nobody had ever heard the stories of the train drivers that morning and all frontline transport and emergency services staff were actively and expressly forbidden from talking to the media about what happened on 7/7?
What if the Iqra bookshop in Beeston, Leeds, at which it is claimed the alleged perpetrators were radicalised, was run by Martin ‘Abdullah’ McDaid, a British Muslim ‘convert’ and ex anti-terrorist operative in the elite Special Boat Service?
What if, one month before 7/7, a piece of legislation came into force, the Inquiries Act 2005, which guaranteed that there could be no such thing as an ‘independent’ or ‘public’ inquiry under its terms?